This article examines the history and communication and public relations strategies of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), an offshoot organisation of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the civil rights group headed by Martin Luther King, Jr. during the early to mid 1960's.The author examines how this small organisation attempted to advance the civil rights movement by drawing national attention to events that were occurring in the southern United States, and by attempting to increase political participation and cohesion of the black populations in those states. She observes that the communication section was vitally important to the organisations' success and is a key component of the historiography of the civil rights movement.
SNCC was a dynamic organisation that was operating in a time of considerable change and social upheaval and it underwent several transitions during the period from 1960-68 when it became functionally defunct. The author identifies three stages; the first was characterised by a focus on nonviolent direct protest, Christian ideals and pacifism reflected in activities such as sit-ins and information activities. This was an inclusive period designed to foster communication between whites and blacks. The second stage, beginning in late 1961 was oriented towards political activism such as voter registration and the formation of a political party. The third phase was essentially a rejection of the ideals of the first and involved the nationalisation of the SNCC and support for black power and white exclusion. Throughout these stages, the activities of the communication section changed to reflect the larger direction of the organisation.
During the first stage, the communication section devoted much of its time and energy to ensuring that the sit-ins and other protest activities as well as violent acts against blacks and civil rights workers were covered by the national media organisations while simultaneously communicating the purpose of the organisation to southern blacks and activists. In this early stage the organisation was primarily concerned with keeping up with news and events occurring in the south, and the communication strategies at this time were often developed on an ad-hoc basis and largely "spontaneous" basis. Refinement began in late 1960 with the publication of a monthly newsletter, the appointment of a press committee to disseminate policy briefs and the release of monthly reports to state representatives. The section also maintained an extensive clipping service and liaison with various student newspapers at campuses across the south.
The SNCC was faced with many challenges at this time. The directors often found that ensuring national coverage of attacks and events occurring in the south was difficult and that many of their press releases were largely ignored. They eventually hit on a strategy that involved sending telegrams about attacks or victim affidavits to senior federal officials. This approach had a tendency to catch the eye of wire editors, who would have otherwise ignored the stories, and often resulted in enquiries from northern reporters. This in turn forced southern press organisations and papers to at least pick up on the stories. This indirect system had the dual effect of inciting public opinion but also putting politicians on the spot. Another challenge faced by civil rights workers was local violence and the SNCC's process of centralised communications from their Atlanta office ensured that local representatives did not have to place themselves in the public eye, and thereby become targets, but allowed them to simply report events to the head office and utilise a central spokesperson. The key aspect of this stage was an attempt to work with the white-dominated and -owned media in an effort to maximise exposure for the civil rights movement.
By 1963, the organisation had shifted towards its mass campaign designed to encourage registration of black voters. This required widespread recruitment drives for volunteers and efforts at fundraising to support the 1964 campaign at the Democratic national convention that became know as "Freedom Summer". Community newsletters and flyers detailing the voter registration process were distributed throughout black regions and neighbourhoods in the south while "Friends of the SNCC" chapters were established throughout the country to further extend the reach of their message, and to elicit support from other regions. The eventual loss at the convention in 1964 however, contributed to a shift in SNCC tactics and policies that led to the third and final stage of the organisation.
This third stage was premised on the belief after the electoral loss that passive approaches and attempts at cooperative behaviour were not producing the desired results. The result was a new approach based on Black Power and isolation from the white community, in general, and the major media channels, specifically. A 1966 report cited that the national press was "expendable" and not be trusted to accurately portray the story or the interests of the SNCC. Efforts were directed towards the cultivation of an independent Negro press, the development of radio for black communities and a new strategy of eliciting coverage in the international press. The staff developed an Aframerican News Service, a nationwide news network for black communities that produced a newsletter detailing the Black Power movement. This rejection of pacifism and the xenophobic turn coupled with a direct stance against the Vietnam war and the establishment of international contacts garnered the organisation more negative attention from law enforcement and allowed the mainstream media to portray the SNCC as an increasingly radical and dangerous organisation.
It is the author's belief that it was this intentional estrangement from white America in its communication strategies that eventually led to the withering and downfall of the organisation. Yet Murphree notes that this frustration and difficulty with dealing with mainstream media is characteristic of the problems faced by dissident groups in communicating their messages and can obviously contribute to the radicalisation of an organisation. Murphree suggests that it is obvious that there is a balance to be found between cooperation and the maintenance of good relations with the "establishment" forces and the need for direct action and purity of ideological stance. Observing the difficulties faced by the SNCC in its communications efforts also seems to be illustrative of how news was constructed throughout the 1960's. SNCC's efforts were key in getting the civil rights questions onto the national agenda by enlightening an otherwise unaware populace (in the north) and actively opposing racist media (in the south). Finally, this case study also outlines the potential importance of both external and internal communications in a social movement. It was essential that the SNCC was communicating effectively with both its constituents (southern blacks) and the nation as a whole. Murphree concludes that it was this abandonment of an external communications component that eventually contributed to the demise of the SNCC at the end of the decade.
Please note: This article is only available through the print version of Journalism History. This journal is published by the Scripps School of Journalism, Ohio University, Athens OH 45701-2979. The Editor, Dr. Patrick Washburn, can be contacted at washburp@ohio.edu or by telephone at (740) 593-2593.
