2003

Population Communications International (PCI)'s Hindi radio serial drama began airing in February 2002 and covered some of the most poverty-stricken states in northern India. It is estimated that the radio serial had a listenership of between 20 to 25 million people. Taru is the story about a 21-year-old woman who resists some cultural norms and pursues further education. This evaluation comes in the wake of the project and combines 7 different research activities using both qualitative and quantitative analysis. The full report has yet to be released, however, and this summary is derived from the executive reports.

A sentinel site survey was conducted with 1,500 households surveyed before Taru began (baseline survey) and 1,500 households after Taru ended (impact survey). The site for pre-post sentinel site surveys was District Begusarai in India's Bihar State, chosen to represent an "average district" in Bihar. Each sample was composed of 750 respondents randomly chosen from the sentinel site, and 750 households randomly selected and screened for their radio listenership habits. Several different specific methods were used including the creation of several groups for control and quasi-experimentation purposes. The study also employed a broad qualitative analysis. Some 60 in-depth and 25 focus group interviews were also conducted with Taru listeners, their family members, and community leaders.

Overall, based on the 5 rounds of rapid exposure surveys, the authors estimate that about 10% of all households in the general population in Bihar, and 24% of households among those who owned and used a radio, regularly listened to Taru. It is estimated that the radio serial had a listenership of between 20 to 25 million people.

Evidence suggests that Taru spurred a great deal of interpersonal communication among audience members, and also between audience members and their spouses, children, relatives, and friends who were not "directly" exposed to radio programme, but who had heard about Taru and its contents. Nearly 1.8 times the number of people in the J++ group (the group who had received the most exposure to the programme and associated materials) had heard about Taru compared to those who had listened to Taru, and almost 4.3 times the number of people in the J+ group had heard about Taru compared to those who had listened to Taru. Based on these findings, the authors suggest that the message of Taru was diffused via interpersonal channels.

Results show that before Taru aired, respondents in the sentinel site area had significantly weaker beliefs about gender equity and family planning, and perceived greater barriers to achieve gender equity and small family size. Fewer people used certain family planning methods, and fewer people felt that their friends and family members approved their use of family planning methods. However, respondents in the sentinel site area one year after the broadcast of Taru displayed significantly stronger outcomes on these key variables.

Surveys indicated that audience members liked Taru very much, with an average score of 4.55 on a scale of 1 to 5 (with 5 being highest), and that they perceived Taru's characters as being highly similar to themselves, with an average score of 3.26 on a scale of 1 to 4 (with 4 being highest). Data indicate that they strongly considered behaviour change as a result of listening to Taru, with a mean score of 4.56 on a scale of one to five (with five being high).

The authors note that their present methodology does not permit direct causal connections between the Taru broadcasts and the increase in sales of condoms, pills, and pregnancy dipsticks in the 4 villages that were studied. However, evidence suggests that groups listening to Taru spurred communication among community members about the need for girls' education and small family size, helping create a more enabling environment for villagers to seek services offered by the local Titly Centers.

This evaluation suggests that enhanced visibility of the local reproductive and women's health personnel as a result of the various Taru-related pre-publicity and orchestration activities led more villagers to seek their services. Overall, sales of Mithun condoms increased over 227% and 680%, respectively, in Abirpur and Kamtaul villages. Sales of Apsara pills also increased over 200, 580, 400, and 420%, respectively, in Abirpur, Kamtaul, Madhopur, and Chandrahatti villages. Sales of pregnancy dipsticks increased 167, 600, 400, and 200%, respectively, in Abirpur, Kamtaul, Madhopur, and Chandrahatti villages.

The authors of the various studies argue that the cumulative evidence stemming from this study demonstrates the potential that educational-entertainment programmes can have on positive social attitudes and behaviours.